Göksel Göksu wrote – I was there too: What the camera didn't show while the guns were being burned

A critical phase has passed in the peace process, which the People's Alliance calls a "Turkey Without Terrorism" and the Democratic Party (DEM) and PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan call the "Peace and Democratic Society Process." The name of the Jacana Cave, which has hosted numerous symbolic rebellions for the Kurds, will be commemorated with a ceremony silencing the guns starting July 11th.

Thirty PKK militants, 15 of them women, descended the stairs leading to the cave in a single file, threw the fire-breathing weapons they had brought with them, and the bandoliers they had worn around their waists, into a giant bowl, and set it ablaze. Those who had come to watch the ceremony under the scorching sun were silent for the moment. Only the faint sobbing of a woman from behind, piercing the silence, pierced the silence. As the voices threatened to grow louder, chants of "Biji Serok Apo" rose up, despite a prior warning of "no slogans". Just like a movie scene, those who had set their weapons alight left as quickly as they had come, without looking back. And the guns fell silent!

It's impossible to capture the end of a nearly 50-year period in the lines above. Neither those present at the ceremony nor those observing it have any hesitation that the guns should be silenced. But everyone is aware that 50,000 people in this country lost their lives to the weapons that became symbols that day. The time has come for the anticipated steps to be taken to ensure the silence of the guns, and while it hasn't been easy to get to this point, the process is truly beginning now.

The tourist cave between Sulaymaniyah and Duqan was once the refuge of Sheikh Mahmud Hafid Barzanji, the self-proclaimed "King of Kurdistan," when he launched a rebellion against the British after World War I. This sheltered cave, where armed uprisings were organized for many years and where one of the first Kurdish publications, "Voice of Truth," was printed using the printing press Barzanji brought with him when he fled Sulaymaniyah, was once used as a base by the Peshmerga.

According to an assessment made by Middle Eastern studies expert Associate Professor Dr. Seevan Saeed to BBC Turkish, the destruction of the weapons on the plain in front of the cave, which is said to be nestled against steep cliffs and surrounded by waterfalls—I'll just go with what I've heard, as I haven't seen it—also has symbolic significance. The PKK is thus, in a sense, puffing on the peace pipe, believing that this cave, which served as a refuge during wartime, could become a tourist attraction in a peaceful environment.

Witnessing this crucial moment was both significant and a unique experience for a reporter. As 30 PKK members descended the stairs in a single file, carrying their weapons, and took their places on the platform prepared for Bese Hozat's statement, I kept an eye on the group that would witness this—albeit symbolic—moment. Just as the imminent destruction of the weapons was significant, the gathering of participants, who are almost impossible to find in the same place in everyday life, was equally remarkable.

Although former and current MPs, including DEM Party Co-Chairs Tuncer Bakırhan and Tülay Hatimoğulları, prominent figures in Kurdish politics such as Ahmet Türk and Gültan Kışanak, whose travel ban was lifted just three days ago – and the majority also saw the lifting of travel bans before the ceremony as a message – bar association presidents, and NGO representatives, the Republic of Turkey was also present.

If you ask, “Did you see it?”, no, I did not.

There was no minister from Türkiye present at the ceremony, nor was there any undersecretary-level attendance. There was also no AKP or MHP politician.

If you ask, "So how do you know the state was there?" my answer is: "It was there, and it was at the forefront, as if it owned the process. I know, but I can't prove it..."

But I can try to describe it… The traffic of meetings that preceded the ceremony where the weapons were to be destroyed; the visit of the İmralı delegation consisting of Mithat Sancar and Pervin Buldan to the President; the bilateral meetings held by MIT Director İbrahim Kalın in Iraq; the ceremonial welcome at the border for the team that would cover the ceremony at the invitation of the DEM Party and the security cordon they were escorted through the KGB zone until they reached Erbil; the extraordinary security measures taken by Iraq and the Iraqi Kurdish Regional Government at the ceremony site; the presence of members of the press close to the government brought to the ceremony site under a separate security cordon established by Turkish authorities on Türkiye's initiative; and the US flag visible on the uniforms of some Iraqi special operations teams along the way were all suggestive in that they indicated that this ceremony was not the sole host of the event.

What was truly interesting to me was the visible separation, in an area the size of the palm of my hand, between those who came as guests of the state wing and those who came as guests of the DEM Party… I don't think there was anyone there who didn't feel that they were looking at the same thing but seeing different things, in the chairs they sat in, separated from each other.

The ceremony site, which one side attributed great importance to due to the features I described above, was subjected to the arrogant, so to speak, gazes of the other. For example, pointing to the tourist sign indicating the way to the cave—which, it was later reported, was frequented by mountain climbers, rafters, and so on—he would say with a smirk, "Why is this place touristy? Who's coming?" with a look that alluded to the PKK. Or he would question the fact that half of the PKK members about to lay down their arms were women. The fact that those who were seated on the other side of the barriers, whose organization I couldn't figure out during the shooting and who were supposedly seated on the other side of the barriers because of "protocol"—and whom even Bahçeli calls "founding leader"—found it strange to hear the chanting of "Long Live Leader Apo" in memory of Öcalan, whom he himself calls "founding leader," seemed like mixing olive oil and water in the same glass!

They both wanted to be in the same glass, yet their specific gravity meant they rose to the top like olive oil… So much so that while Mardin Metropolitan Municipality Co-Mayor Ahmet Türk, who had been replaced by a trustee, took his place in the area overlooking the platform, where I described feeling the presence of the "state," DEM Party Co-Chairs Bakırhan and Hatimoğulları were not present. Their observation of the ceremony from the beginning to the end, from the other side of the barrier that remained on the side of the platform and was also placed as per protocol, was hardly likely to go unnoticed.

The impression this picture left on me was that, even in the same atmosphere, the parties hadn't yet become "WE," and that there was still some distance to go before they could achieve this. Still, it was invaluable. Because despite everything, the fact that these seemingly opposing dynamics could come together, even if only through silent protest, was both a first and offered a cautious hope for reinforcing confidence in the continuity of the process.

Another striking detail at the ceremony was that, despite Abdullah Öcalan being in the background as Bese Hozat made his statement, there was nothing reminiscent of the recently dissolved PKK, other than a photograph of Öcalan apparently taken from a video released just two days earlier. Although the 30 disarmed PKK members appeared on stage in military formation, still wearing PKK-related symbols, it was clear that the utmost care had been taken to avoid a repeat of the negative atmosphere created by the past Habur incident.

In my opinion, they succeeded. They avoided any exaggeration or ostentation. Following Bese Hozat, Behzat Çele read the Kurdish version of the statement. Thirty PKK members placed their weapons, then their cartridge belts, one by one into a large metal bowl. Then, using torches, Bese Hozat and Behzat Çele poured incendiary liquid onto the weapons and set them alight. After one of them handed over the inventory serial numbers of the weapons to a delegation of representatives from the IHD, the Specialized Volunteers' Association, and the Human Rights Foundation (TIHV), under the supervision of the Iraqi Kurdish Regional Government, the 30 men climbed the stairs and returned to the steep cliffs by the way they had come.

Although the fact that PKK members, who call themselves the "Peace and Democratic Society Group," destroyed their weapons instead of surrendering them may have meant, according to some of the participants, that "We will not use weapons from now on," and according to others, that the organization had not surrendered and had laid down its weapons of its own volition, it is a fact that should not be ignored that a significant portion of those standing next to the barrier at the same ceremony interpreted that scene as "surrender."

One side clings to the view that "the PKK has surrendered," while the other side argues that by destroying the weapons, the PKK is saying "the ball is in your court" and opening a door of opportunity for peace.

Is there a compromise, or has one side brought the other to its knees?

Regardless of the meaning ascribed to it by anyone, it's clear that, unlike similar experiences in other countries, the farewell to arms is not an end, but a beginning. What comes next will be shaped by mutually beneficial steps. In fact, it's already taking shape.

President Tayyip Erdoğan delivered his speech, which was previously announced as "making very important statements."

He announced the establishment of a commission under the umbrella of Parliament, an issue that was kept on the agenda by the Speaker of the Grand National Assembly, Numan Kurtulmuş, and frequently mentioned by the DEM Party.

He didn't mince words: "Now that the weapons have been laid down, the legal requirements of the process will be discussed under the roof of Parliament; this will be the first of the steps that will bring the process to its conclusion..."

Anyone following the process already knows that this statement was highly satisfactory to a wide segment of society, especially the Kurdish public, who listened intently to Erdoğan's speech. This is the hope: The process will be gradually developed through mutual steps taken by the parties, and this is precisely what is desired.

However, while the audience was convinced that the speech was complete and met expectations, he concluded by saying, “The People’s Alliance will carry the process into the future by ‘cooking’ it together with the DEM Party… We have decided to walk this path together as the AKP-MHP-DEM trio.”

A sentence from President Erdoğan's mouth had a chilling effect. Political circles were agitated, and the question, "Does this mean the DEM Party has become part of the People's Alliance?" quickly began to circulate, and questions followed one after another.

The answer came from Pervin Buldan, who said, "This alliance is a process alliance; it should definitely not be perceived as any other alliance," and declared that they were not alliance partners. Even considering this situation, it's instructive, as it demonstrates that everything is just beginning, and that the steps to be taken through the commission to be established under the auspices of the Turkish Grand National Assembly will be guided by delicate balances.

It appears that the destruction of the weapons is a gesture of goodwill, and what happens next depends on mutual steps. Because everything really begins now. What we do know is this: A commission will be established in the Turkish Grand National Assembly, and the obstacles will be resolved gradually.

There's still much we don't know... Since not all weapons will be burned, how will they be destroyed? What future awaits those who surrender their weapons, or will they be integrated into society? What mutual steps will be taken to address all of this? Will the new judicial package include items that satisfy the DEM Party? Where will Selahattin Demirtaş and Figen Yüksekdağ fit into this process? Will the DEM Party, for example, take a stance on the mayors dismissed as part of the urban reconciliation? Here are the answers to these questions, which will shape the course of events from now on...

Of course, there are also studies on a new constitution, and that has not yet come…