Mümtaz'er Türköne wrote: Özgür Özel's specific gravity

It has become the main actor that single-handedly determines the course of politics; moreover, its weight is increasing day by day.

Try to find an objective answer to the question, "Who has been more dominant on the political scale lately, Erdoğan or Özel?" The government's autocratic power, media dominance, and fearsome state institutions, especially the judiciary, are on one side, while Özgür Özel stands alone on the other. Don't you picture a mythological hero battling a seven-headed dragon?

Specific gravity is the unit weight of a substance, calculated in grams per square centimeter. In politics, it refers to the ability to set the agenda, determine developments, and influence the public in a convincing and trustworthy manner. Özgür Özel's performance since the March 19th operation has changed the course of events. With instantaneous reflexes, he rallied the CHP, which had been dismantled by the Palace, channeled the reactions, and formed lines of mass resistance. He explained the essence of the matter, explaining it point by point. The streets sided with the CHP. Amidst the maelstrom of internal party problems, he thwarted the judicial operations aimed at exhausting, discrediting, and liquidating the CHP, with frogs that refused to budge despite the stones thrown at them.

Specific gravity indicates the politician's caliber and the type of metal they are made of. Is it gold? Bronze? Iron?

Archimedes, who jumped naked from the bathhouse and cried "Eureka!", scientifically proved the meaning of specific gravity. Legend has it that a King gave his jeweler a weighed gold coin and asked him to make him a crown. The crown arrived, but the King was struck by a suspicion: The crown weighed the same as the gold he had weighed, but what if he had added a foreign substance? Archimedes solved the problem fundamentally by comparing the capacity of the crown to the capacity of the same amount of gold to displace water, proving the fraud.

Some say a politician is "fine cloth," but I say metal. Is it gold, silver, or dross? The specific gravity of a politician is forged between hammer and anvil in the dark labyrinths of politics, in the grip of conspiracies and intrigues, amidst the abundant ego explosions among political figures, and amidst the nation's pending problems. If your metal is precious, fate will majestically place you on a pedestal in the heart of the land.

Bülent Arınç, who occasionally speaks as the sole survivor of the AK Party's 23 years of rule, shares a striking anecdote about Özgül Özel. The incident concerns Özel's intervention at the funeral of one of Arınç's relatives. "I didn't have any AK Party friends, but Özgür Bey did. He tried to make sure a handcuffed relative of ours could pray at the funeral, and he solved it. He's a friend in times of need," he tells the story.

It may seem like an ordinary story to you; but it happened to me, and unfortunately, there was no Özgül Özel that my relatives could reach.

I was transported from Istanbul to Ankara to my mother's funeral in a prison shuttle vehicle called a "coffin," a small, two-celled vehicle. In August, I was held in this cramped space for 27 hours, impossible even to breathe. It was brutal torture. However, they could have brought me in a small minibus-like vehicle, of which there were many. At least, they could have let me out during extended breaks. Worst of all, as in Arınç's story, I was handcuffed even as they laid my mother in her grave. The cemetery was surrounded by a large Special Operations team, and there was no way I could escape; their aim was to torment me during my day of grief. The captain in charge of the gendarmerie who brought me was a member of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and an idealist. He incited those around him to continue his torture by saying, "He said, 'Let's make Apo a pasha.'"

You're surrounded by a multitude of ignorant and uncouth officials who, when given the opportunity, don't hesitate to use the power the state has granted them, crushing those they seize, and boasting about their actions. Bülent Arınç found a solution to their oppression, but despite the efforts of my old friends who stood by me at the funeral, I couldn't find one.

We live with our emotions. Everyone fixates on their own wounds, not the crimson glow of sunset. This is the symbol I've embraced, and from there, I've extended it to the sense of justice our country needs: No one should have to enter their loved ones' graves with handcuffs on when justice strikes.

In our political history, there are not many political duos who rely on and trust each other, working as a team to complement each other's shortcomings. The biggest exceptions are Ali and Fuad Pasha, the powerful statesmen of the Tanzimat era. This pair, whose temperaments were diametrically opposed, harmoniously led the country through hardships and left their mark on their era. Fuad Pasha was witty and quick-witted, Ali Pasha dignified and reserved.

Let us quote a quip from Fuad Pasha that fits the situation of Özgür Özel and the CHP.

After retiring from the Grand Viziership and serving as Minister of the Interior, Fuad Pasha widened the Divanyolu (Divanyolu) running from Sultanahmet to Beyazıt and had it paved with stones. When one of his opponents, informants, remarked at a gathering, "My Pasha, the road is very nice," he replied, "We paved it with the stones thrown at us."

Isn't the CHP paving the way to power with the stones thrown at it through judicial operations?

Özel's most dominant stance, which places his unique weight at the center of politics, is the loyalty and harmony he demonstrates towards İmamoğlu. This loyalty grants both İmamoğlu and Özel mutual power. As revealed in the trustee issue, Özel's moral hegemony within the CHP, with its delicate balances susceptible to all manner of conspiracies and schemes, derives its strength largely from the loyalty he demonstrates towards İmamoğlu. Didn't the Palace's calculations, which attempted to purge the CHP, fearing it would disintegrate in a few moves, ultimately crash into the İmamoğlu-Özel harmony and fall apart?

Politics is half a matter of calculation and half a matter of luck. Leaving a bit to chance, I can offer my prediction: In a Türkiye that has recently transitioned to a parliamentary system, we may soon see İmamoğlu as president and Özel as prime minister. The CHP's success will depend on the harmony between these two.

My intention when I sat down to write this article was to examine the CHP's policies that shaped this famous commission . Of course, Özgür Özel would be the sole source.

The CHP, with Özgür Özel, is pursuing "open politics." You might think that AK Party officials see this as "straightforward politics," lacking a sense of strategy and tactical priorities. They must be surprised by the CHP's stance, given the abundance of subtle calculations, conspiracies, and left-leaning tactics on the other side.

Özel's approach to the Commission was entirely "open policy," and it paid off from the outset. Accepting the qualified majority requirement will give the CHP the opportunity to take control of the commission's work. Don't be swayed by the 3/5 or 2/3 numbers. It's clear that Özel's specific weight will determine the Commission's direction and the issues it will discuss.

The commission was the CHP's idea during the previous Peace Process, under the name "Social Reconciliation Commission." Now, it has come to life due to Öcalan's persistent demands and Türkiye's predicament in Syria. The commission is a basket of eggs the Palace was forced to carry; Erdoğan resisted this for a long time. Turkey was forced to accept it when it found itself in a difficult situation in Syria. Kurdish politics places great importance on tactical possibilities and views the commission as a tool to control psychology and alter the political atmosphere. Because the commission will highlight the lack of rule of law and democracy in Türkiye on almost every issue, it will work in favor of the opposition and against the government, except for the MHP.

The Palace's failure to resist Özel's qualified majority requirement demonstrates that the CHP holds the sole initiative. Özel says, "We will absolutely not discuss the constitution," but generalizations and blanket statements can be misleading. It simply reveals that this commission is not a suitable tool for Erdoğan's future ambitions.

Neither the commission's working procedures nor its agenda have been determined. Ending terrorism and offering PKK members who have laid down their arms a fresh start is a matter that has been discussed and resolved before. Law No. 6551, enacted for this purpose, remains in effect. The commission will determine its own agenda. Since the CHP is the indispensable and driving force behind the commission, the negotiations will largely be at its discretion. Those objecting to the commission and opposing the CHP's participation are nothing more than internal party dissidents exploiting this agenda to engage in a power struggle within the CHP. Özel stands on the bridge of an aircraft carrier, his range of action and strikes limitless. Who would turn their back on such an opportunity?

We will discuss the Commission further. If you make your predictions now, taking into account Özgül Özel's specific gravity, you can more clearly predict the situation when the Commission completes its task.