The premeditated strategy of hatred and cruelty

Religion, magic, and politics often go hand in hand. Proof of this was provided by the President, who took to the pulpit of an evangelical church, offering a curious interpretation of Judeo-Christian culture to criticize the concept of social justice. He interpreted it as theft, when it is a concept present in both the First and Second Testaments. In Christianity, it is based on human dignity, the common good, and solidarity.
In Judaism, there is a moral obligation to help those in need, promoting equity and dignity. But if we want to add magic to the President's work, it's enough to know that the temple pastor achieved the miracle of converting pesos into dollars!
Nothing in all this is a coincidence; the government's rhetoric is deeply religious. The economic adjustment is justified by the fact that Argentina has been "sinning" through an endless waste of state resources. And so, the time has come to pay for the sin through the sacrifice of adjustment under the guise of goodwill from the forces of heaven.
It's a closed-minded discourse that inspires believers to believe the sacrifice is worth it. Libertarians express unapologetic cruelty, where goodness has been completely erased. Although they claim to limit their cruelty to statists and Ks, it's obvious that it includes, among others, retirees, doctors, and the disabled.
The discourse of cruelty and that of hate intersect. Sigmund Ginzberg says that what matters about a lie is not its truthfulness or plausibility, but the emotions it arouses. And the President still stirs positive emotions in a segment of the electorate that justifies the economic adjustment. Meanwhile, reality is beginning to penetrate the provinces through the national government's gambit of maintaining a fiscal surplus, creating governability problems for the governors.
Salaries must be paid; we must prevent companies like Topper from closing, or the suspension of work at Scania and General Motors. It is no coincidence that 24 governors of different political persuasions agree in telling the national executive branch: "Your surplus is at our expense; give us our money." The provincial executive branches are not thinking about the government falling; they are obliged to defend themselves. In the perverse game the executive branch has developed, the idea is for the virtues to be their own and the problems to be someone else's.
Ultimately, the economic recession, insufficient wages, business closures, layoffs, problems maintaining health, education, and security, poor roads, and high tolls in the interior create a negative social climate. All of this falls on the governors and will ultimately be their responsibility if they don't react. Already, a segment of their societies is blaming them for the problems arising from national economic policy.
At the same time, LLA is creating its own electoral lists, challenging local authorities. Of course, the reaction of the provinces through their legislative branches worries the government. It's no longer Peronism, it's no longer Kirchnerism; now it's everyone.
The forces of heaven say they'll put up a fight and announce they'll get 40% of the vote in October. As if we're talking extraordinary numbers for a midterm election, or if it means anything for 2027.
History shows that Juntos por el Cambio obtained 42% of the vote in 2017 and was not re-elected, while in 2005 and 2009, Peronism barely surpassed 30 points of votes and subsequently won the presidential elections. Even with 40% of the vote, there will be no substantive changes in Parliament, and the ruling party will continue to rely on a policy of alliances to pass laws.
*Consultant and political analyst.
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