The system loves black money

The government deliberately turned Turkey into a haven for money laundering . A money laundering economy was created with Wealth Amnesty, cheap citizenship sales, and attractive offers that didn't even ask "where did you get it?" Even global criminal organization leaders and drug lords flocked to the country. They laundered their money by purchasing hotels, companies, apartments in skyscrapers, and ultra-luxury vehicles. The Financial Action Task Force, an international organization, placed Turkey on a gray list for combating money laundering and terrorist financing. After the 2023 elections, operations against international criminal organizations began. The barons' ultra-luxury vehicles were turned into police cars, creating a spectacle. However, the "local and national" actors in the money laundering business remained untouched. Their activities with unrecorded money continued unabated. Under the new regime, cliques that had seized power from the state controlled various money laundering spigots. This was the system's source of power. Now, as operations are being conducted against some of these spigots, there's talk of a power struggle raging within the Palace. This theory is supported by the fact that money laundering operations are always conducted against companies close to the government. It is no coincidence that the networks of dirty money always extend to the tops of power.
PAYFIX OPERATIONIn 2023, a lawsuit was filed against Erkan Kork, the owner of the electronic payment system Payfix, for transferring and laundering illegal betting funds. However, Kork, accused of money laundering, was allowed to use his money to buy a bank, acquire a payment institution, a cryptocurrency license, and a TV channel. Of course, the fact that Erkan Kork, who was on trial for money laundering, obtained these licenses was scandalous. The identity of those who granted these permissions was shrouded in mystery. A second operation was conducted in March 2025. This time, Erkan Kork was arrested. In just two months, 48 billion Turkish Lira worth of money laundering was detected in Payfix accounts. Among the defendants was even someone who had worked at the Central Bank for 19 years before joining Erkan Kork's company. But these scandalous licenses were far beyond their capabilities. We photographed Erkan Kork wearing jewelry at the scandalous wedding of BDDK Vice President Mustafa Aydın on September 19, 2024.
WHO PROVIDED THEIR CLEAN REPORTS?Erkan Kork, however, denied the accusations and said the following in his statement:
"Last year, we acquired Bank Pozitif and Payfix. We received a license for cryptocurrency. We received a clean bill of health when we acquired Flash TV on January 9th. With all these crimes against me, why was I given a clean bill of health while conducting all these transactions?" Erkan Kork was pointing the finger at his partners within the state .
The electronic payment provider Papara was also raided and seized. It's alleged that 155 billion Turkish Lira worth of illegal betting money was transferred through Papara. It's impossible for such a large sum of money to be transferred for years without being caught by state oversight systems.
DEFENSE INDUSTRY OPERATIONDate: August 15, 2025. It was a very strange chain of operations. Aziz İhsan Aktaş, who amassed a fortune through government tenders but was accused solely for his dealings with opposition municipalities, claimed he was about to be assassinated. Supposedly, he was targeted because of his testimony during the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (IMM) operations. But the incomprehensible accusation suddenly turned against the owners of defense industry companies. Alleged criminal organization leader Selahattin Yılmaz, businessman Turgut Öner, former Machinery and Chemical Industry (MKE) president İsmet Sayhan, lawyer Cem Duman, and lawyer Semra Ilık were arrested. Selahattin Yılmaz, Turgut Öner, and İsmet Sayhan were all very close to Devlet Bahçeli. Another common characteristic of the defendants was that they owned defense industry companies. Selahattin Yılmaz had founded a defense industry company. Lawyer Semra Ilık also owned a defense industry company and a photo album full of government figures. Lawyer Cem Duman had a giant photo of Tayyip Erdoğan in his office, and as he opened a gift tie from the Palace, he explained his close connections to the state. All these figures met at a cafe very close to the Palace. This cafe changed hands among themselves.
Ultimately, the investigation launched on charges of "membership in a criminal organization and espionage" resulted in the imprisonment of Emin Öner, the owner of ASSAN, a long-established defense company, and Gürcan Okumuş, its general manager. ASSAN had been a growing company closely linked to the AKP government for years. What had changed? We still haven't learned. But there was no doubt that this investigation was troubling the MHP.
WHO IS THIS STATE PARTY?Kemal Can, owner of Can Holding , explained that he acquired Bilgi University, Doğa College, and Ciner Media Group under the direction of statesmen and high-ranking government officials. He even stated that Türk Telekom was also being sold to him. However, the prosecutor's office didn't even inquire about the identity of these statesmen and high-ranking government officials. In fact, Kemal Can stated that Bilgi University's board of trustees was formed with the guidance and approval of state officials. "If you don't believe it," he said, "look it up." Bilgi University Rector Ege Yazgan is a member of the Presidential Economic Policies Executive Board. Ahmet Selim Köroğlu, a member of the university's board of trustees, is the President's Chief Advisor. Again, the arrows pointed upward.
REZAN EPÖZDEMİR WAS TAKEN INTO CUSTODYThe detention of renowned lawyer Rezan Epözdemir on charges of "bribery, aiding FETÖ, and espionage" escalated tensions within the ruling party. AKP figures like Şamil Tayyar and Metin Külünk claimed that the power behind Rezan Epözdemir was Chief Presidential Advisor Mehmet Uçum. They claimed that "influential" individuals pressured the prosecutor's office to release her. Ultimately, an indictment was prepared against Rezan Epözdemir, charging her solely with bribery. This time, the Palace figure was clearly pointed out in the internal dispute. Those who targeted her and called her the "God of the Judiciary" were also admitting the corruption within the state.
PARAMOUNT HOTELThe operation against the Paramount Hotel, which came to the fore following Sedat Peker's revelations, was conducted last week. An arrest warrant was issued for Sezgin Baran Korkmaz. He was charged with loan sharking and money laundering. Suspects including Cihan Ekşioğlu, Şaban Kayıkçı, and Çağlar Şendil were detained. Cihan Ekşioğlu was arrested, and Şaban Kayıkçı was placed under house arrest. Şaban Kayıkçı had been linked to Mücahit Arslan, a figure very close to Tayyip Erdoğan since his time as mayor. The power behind Şaban Kayıkçı, the owner of AsyaGaz, who became a partner in Gübretaş while a civil servant, was Mücahit Arslan, who had been very close to Erdoğan since his time as mayor.
ISTANBUL GOLD REFINERY INC.On October 6, 2025, an operation was launched against Istanbul Gold Refinery Inc., which ranked 5th on Türkiye's list of 500 largest industrial enterprises. The company had sales of 230 billion lira last year. Twenty people, including company owner Özcan Halaç, General Manager Ayşen Esen, and employee Erkam Halaç, were arrested. Allegedly, they were claiming imported gold as produced in Türkiye and obtaining state support by falsely claiming to earn foreign currency for products not exported. $543 million in fake exports were declared, resulting in a $12 million loss for the state. Prof. Dr. İrfan Gündüz, an AKP member of parliament from the 21st and 22nd terms, was on the company's board of directors. However, his name was not mentioned in the investigation. İrfan Gündüz is the Chairman of the Board of Trustees of Ibn Haldun University. The Deputy Chairman of the University's Board of Trustees is Bilal Erdoğan.
CRITICAL CAN HOLDING OPERATION CONTINUESThe operation against Can Holding was no different than a summary of the new regime and the black money scheme.
The Can Family, accused of cigarette and fuel smuggling since the 1990s, had grown into a massive holding company during the AKP's rule. The investigation alleged that Can Holding laundered money by purchasing Bilgi University, Doğa College, and Ciner Media Group. Over two years, 88 billion Turkish Lira in illegal money trafficking was identified among the 121 seized companies. Of course, these weren't account transactions that would go unnoticed by the state. Without a protective shield, no one anywhere in the world would even consider these money transfers.
A BIG SCANDAL WITH ITS SIGNATURE ON MONEYAn operation was launched at the BKM (Breaking and Rigging Banks of Turkey), of which the Central Bank of the Republic of Turkey (CBRT) is the main shareholder, on allegations of bid rigging, fraud, and embezzlement. Public losses exceeded 100 million Turkish Lira. Eight people, including former CBRT Vice President Emrah Şener, whose signatures appeared on the 200-TL banknote, former BKM General Manager Baran Aytaş, and his assistant Bora Koç, were arrested. The suspects were alleged to have committed irregularities in tenders for the purchase of chip-enabled plastic cards and TROY (Türkiye's payment management system). It was alleged that Emrah Şener engaged in irregularities to ensure that a company called Enarge won the tender. He even sent Muhammed Güven, who had started working as an intern at the CBRT, to Singapore on a temporary assignment and established a front company to transfer the tender funds to this company. There were allegations of corruption against Emrah Şener, including regarding projects he had awarded to Boğaziçi University. The expert report indicated that Rector Naci İnci could also be held responsible. They even cracked down on meal cards that appeared to be given to students abroad.
REACHED OUT TO CINER HOLDING AND BİNSATThe operation spread to Ciner Holding. An arrest warrant was issued for Ciner Holding's owner, Turgay Ciner. He was a financier who bought the football club in President Erdoğan's hometown of Kasımpaşa, naming it "Recep Tayyip Erdoğan." His son and the company's director were arrested. Can Yayın Holding Chairman Kenan Tekdağ, who was released under house arrest during the first wave of the Can Holding investigation, was arrested this time.
In the second wave of the Can Holding operation, Binsat Holding Chairman Arafat Bingöl and Cengiz Bingöl were also detained. The suspects were also capitalists at the foot of the Palace. Binsat Holding was the company that provided security for the AKP headquarters and the Istanbul Provincial Headquarters. Their photo albums were filled with photos of them posing with Erdoğan and senior AKP officials. They were released on probation.
Barış Terkoğlu revealed that the Can Holding investigation extends to Cüneyd Zabsu, one of the founders of the AKP.
Cüneyd Zapsu's statement was taken as a suspect.
CLAIMS HAVE RISEN AGAINWe learned from İsmail Saymaz's reporting that Hüseyin Halit Özdamar, the apparent owner of Enarge, the company at the center of the corruption allegations, claimed that Taha Meli Arvas was the company's true owner. Taha Meli Avras served as Vice President of the Capital Markets Board. In 2023, he became Advisor to the Minister of Energy and Natural Resources. Last year, he was appointed General Manager of the Energy Markets Operations Corporation (Energy Markets Operations Inc.), a position he currently holds and is Chairman of the Board of Directors of Eti Mining Enterprises. His father, Ercümend Arvas, has been a member of the Presidential Science, Technology, and Innovation Policies Board since April 9, 2025. He is also Chairman of the Board of Directors of Aselsan. It's no coincidence that money laundering and corruption operations operate on the fringes of government and consistently point to the same target. It's also not surprising that investigations eventually cease and fail to reach the heads of state and high-ranking government officials in question. This is simply a system. Perhaps it's just dirty money changing hands. While some people's share of the pie grows, others are liquidated. The dirt of dirty money is not being washed away. Because cleaning is not possible with dirty hands…
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