Majority and opposition do not know how to build constructive arguments. And that's a problem

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The truth, my lady, is that we can no longer argue about anything . There is a particularly important and totally unexpected issue that concerns the state of health of Italian politics. A issue that is difficult to pigeonhole either under the category of positive news or under the category of negative news and that in any case has been presented transparently for months now before our eyes within this disarming framework: the truth, my lady, is that in Italy we can no longer argue about anything.

Of course, for goodness sake, there is always an exception that proves the rule, there is always an April 25th in which the center-left accuses the center-right of being fascist, there is always an occasion in which the center-right accuses the center-left of being an accomplice of human traffickers, there is always some occasional controversy built on the autopilot of the algorithm of the quarrel. But for a long time now, for symmetrical merits and combined demerits, the majority and the opposition have not been able to find a solid argument to argue, to slap each other, to beat each other up . The day we have chosen to try to develop this reasoning is special, we know, and yesterday, as you will have seen, the entire political system congratulated the government for the success achieved with the America's Cup which will be in Italy for the first time in 2027 . The theme, however, is more general and has emerged clearly in recent weeks during which the Prime Minister went to Parliament to talk with her colleagues during question time .

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A few slaps, a few pats, a few lapses in style, but no topic addressed that would spark long-term controversy . Italy's positioning has something to do with it, of course, the extreme caution with which Meloni is moving on the international chessboard, her doing everything she can to avoid being perceived as a Trumpian, her attempt not to disappoint her European allies, and the Prime Minister's slippery ways at most translate into criticism of the opposition for what it has not done, not for what it has done. It has to do with the fact that, speaking of prudence, finding concrete, revolutionary reforms in the government agenda, justice aside, is an arduous, practically impossible task, and the fact that the Meloni government has now become, more or less since the day it took office, a government that is more concerned with maintenance than with revolutions has made life difficult for the opposition , forced to bicker with the government more on its vocal aspect, what it says, than on the factual side, what it does. Also playing a part in all this is the opposition's inability to leave its comfort zone of anti-fascism, of the xenophobic government, of the Eurosceptic Meloni, of the Trumpian majority , and to enter a new, ambitious, courageous dimension, within which to oppose not by accusing the majority of having done something it hasn't done, for example by pushing Italy towards an Orbanian drift, but instead by nailing the government majority on other fronts, pushing it against the wall because it is incapable of exploiting its stability to innovate, to support businesses, to attract capital.

These elements are relevant, the symmetrical merits and demerits of the majority and the opposition are relevant, and above all there is a disarming fact linked to a widespread and transversal problem that concerns a reality that is difficult to accept. Meloni's government action would have many reasons to be criticized , let's think about the government's deficits on competition, let's think about the government's lack of courage on the de-bureaucratization of the country, let's think about the government's absolute inability to reason about what are the self-duties that are keeping Italy blocked. But to discuss these issues we would need an opposition capable of coming down from Mars, where there are many fascists, and living on planet Earth, it would mean moving from the season of scapegoats to that of solutions, it would mean abandoning the comfort zone of polemics built on ChatGPT , with all due respect for ChatGPT, and pressing the government on facts, on growth, on businesses, on work.

But it is clear that when faced with an immobile government, and one might say sometimes fortunately, because the damage that the government would do to Italy if it were consistent with its electoral promises would be infinite, and when faced with an opposition that finds nothing better than to transform common sense reforms approved in the past by the same parties that are now in opposition, we are talking about the Democratic Party, we are talking about the Jobs Act , into a totem to be torn down, arguing about something concrete, capable of making news for more than twenty-four hours, is very difficult because the government uses its prudence to try to avoid obstacles and the opposition uses its living on another planet to avoid coming down to planet Earth and being divisive. The truth, my lady, is that we can no longer argue about anything in Italy. One might say that the news is positive, but thinking about all the topics that the majority and the opposition are unable to address and thinking about how many issues that concern our future we should argue about makes you smile, as if you thought that in foreign policy there is no arguing, in Italy, but the smile goes away if you think that the lack of argumentativeness is not a responsibility but is only a lack of courage . In Italy there is no arguing anymore, my lady, and this is not necessarily good news.

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