The CDU does not follow Merz and Spahn – the background is remarkable
The postponed elections for the proposed candidates for the Federal Constitutional Court continue to cause controversy. How is the CDU doing? A column.
The Chancellor has plenty of time during Parliament's eight-week summer recess. He has plenty of time to reflect on what has been achieved in his first 70 days in office. But perhaps even more so, on what his 208 CDU MPs actually stand for, what makes them tick, and what concerns them. At least a third of them simply deserted him and his parliamentary group leader, Jens Spahn; many successfully opposed the election of Potsdam law professor Frauke Brosius-Gersdorf. Merz later admitted that the mood had been underestimated. This despite weeks of time available to gauge opinions; everything could have been sorted out calmly behind the scenes long before the possible vote.
“Don’t add fuel to the fire”For all these reasons, the Chancellor now also has time to read the masterpiece of diplomat and philosopher Niccolo Machiavelli, who, in his famous standard work "The Prince," already emphasized in 1513: "Even the most powerful needs the favor of the natives to penetrate a country." This translates to the fact that the true center of power lies at home, in his party, and in the parliamentary group. 512 years after the Italian's insight, the CDU leadership does not appear to adhere to this tenet. Apparently, and this is worrying, they are not fully aware of their parliamentary group's intentions, are not listening, or other political arenas seem more important.
If you listen to the CDU parliamentary group, only a few people want to talk at the moment, "so as not to add fuel to the fire." But what can be heard paints the following picture: Many are still disappointed by the new Chancellor's domestic policy blunders, be it the creation of the huge debt package, the voting disaster in the election of the Chancellor, or the defeat at the end of January over a draft law to tighten migration restrictions.
"Friedrich" is a very good foreign policy expert, he says, but he's not particularly interested in the nitty-gritty of parliamentary work at home. We recently pointed out here that Friedrich Merz is actually "the new foreign minister," and his actions so far confirm this theory: As a former business and BlackRock executive, Merz gets along well with the erratic "dealmaker" Donald Trump, and that's saying something. Already in his government statement, the Sauerland native focuses on foreign policy. His motto and that of his coalition: "Resolutely defend Germany's freedom against all enemies."
“Friedrich always wanted to make big politics”Defense policy is crucial; the defense budget is to be increased from around 88 billion US dollars to around 150 billion by 2029. The Chancellor advocates for Ukraine almost daily and urges the EU to speak with one voice. His relations with France and England are very good; perhaps he can establish himself as a European "leader."
"But he's not here enough," one hears from the parliamentary group. "Friedrich always wanted to make big politics." In other words, domestic politics is a small matter. But the inner workings of the republic are not so small and insignificant. What's more, they are crucial. Social reforms, whether in terms of citizen's income and pensions, or in long-term care or health insurance, must come. Because otherwise these social sectors will run aground. Because a lot of money flows into the defense budget. No one is saying this clearly in politics. And that's why many in the CDU parliamentary group expect more from their leadership in terms of diction and choice of words.
Another astonishing finding upset the CDU MPs. They say their leader has too often jumped to the aid of the SPD, which has been slashed in votes. Where, exactly, is the conservative shift? Critical voices are particularly heard in this regard from Baden-Württemberg and the new federal states. The Chancellor relies heavily on the Minister of the Chancellery, Thorsten Frei, and General Secretary, Carsten Linnemann, both of whom lack government experience. And Merz particularly trusts his parliamentary group leader, Jens Spahn. Therefore, he took a casual approach to the issue of the judge election, claiming that the election would not be a major issue; "Jens" would take care of it. After all, he has government experience.
CDU is no longer a chancellor election clubBut for that to happen, the parliamentary group leader would have to be relied upon, just as Angela Merkel could long count on her parliamentary group leader, Volker Kauder, who quietly resolved conflicts behind the scenes. But Jens Spahn, too preoccupied with his "mask affair," let things slide and, above all, failed to understand that the CDU was no longer a chancellor-election club, as it had been for decades under Kohl and Merkel. Of course, right-wing media and platforms were at work to discredit the proposed Potsdam lawyer. That is truly bad enough. But much more important is the realization that many CDU MPs have a conscience and their own opinions, independent-minded citizens who do not simply allow their convictions to be taken away. And fundamentally, this is how a vibrant democracy should function. In any case, the incident was humiliating not only for the lawyer, but also for the SPD, Spahn, and Merz. Even more important, however, is that the Federal Constitutional Court, which legally represents our collective dignity, was also damaged. Merz also declined to comment further on the incident at the summer press conference. Everything remains up in the air. For all these reasons, the Chancellor now has time to reflect. He must demonstrate strong leadership in domestic policy, with social reforms and the issue of migration on the horizon. He needs the backing of his party, and loyalty. Politics is merciless: Only the strong prince is followed, as Machiavelli says, and the weak are turned away.
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