Resistance to EU plans | Armament with question marks

When EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen unveiled her plans for a massive European rearmament under the title "ReArm Europe" at the beginning of March, it briefly looked as if the entire Union would rally behind the President. Her proposals call for a drastic increase in defense spending by EU member states. A total of up to 800 billion euros is to be mobilized to "expand Europe's military capabilities and make it more independent of third countries." In return, EU member states are to be given more financial leeway for defense spending, the otherwise strict debt rules are to be relaxed, and the EU intends to provide 150 billion euros for joint defense projects.

But it's now clear that the EU is deeply divided on the issue. Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez recently declared: "I think the EU is a political project of soft power." The threats facing Spain are different from those facing the eastern EU countries: "Our threat is not Russia." Sánchez advocates a broader definition of defense and security. According to Sánchez, the measures planned by the Commission should also be able to be used for expenditures such as combating climate change and illegal migration.

Sanchez is also under pressure from his left-wing coalition partner, Sumar , which is determined not to increase military spending or disband NATO. Sumar founder and Labor Minister Yolanda Díaz rejects "any increase in military spending" that would lead to "a reduction in the resources available for social policy."

Italy's Prime Minister Georgia Meloni is also cautious. The post-fascist doesn't want to take on additional national debt for weapons purchases. Italy is heavily indebted, and Meloni is therefore also cutting social spending. Suddenly investing billions in borrowed money in new tanks, missiles, and drones doesn't go down well with voters. More than half of Italians have spoken out against an increase in defense spending in polls.

Something of an anti-armament movement is currently emerging in Italy. Just a few days ago, 30,000 people protested against "ReArm Europe" in the capital, Rome. Demonstrations against the plans also took place in Milan, northern Italy, with Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini, leader of the national-populist Lega, among the prominent participants. The Putin admirer called the rearmament plans "crazy." However, Salvini emphasized in the same breath that the funds should only go to Italian arms companies. Indeed, there are billion-dollar arms companies in Italy and Spain that would profit massively from the rearmament plans.

The third party in this group is Dutch Prime Minister Dick Schoof, who agreed to the Brussels proposals and was rebuked at home for it. Parliament in The Hague voted against "ReArm" by a narrow majority, including votes from three of the four governing parties. For the Dutch, fear of debt is greater than fear of the Russians.

Right-wing populist Geert Wilders, whose PVV is in government, called on Schoof to withdraw his support for von der Leyen's plan. Indeed, wealthier countries like the Netherlands and Germany fear that "ReArm" could be used to introduce Eurobonds, or common European debt , through the back door.

Probably also to calm the waters at home, Meloni and Sanchez called for the renaming of the armament program "ReArm Europe." Commission President Ursula von der Leyen relented: From now on, the plan to boost the arms industry will be labeled "Readiness 2030." "A reference to the date by which Russia could have the necessary capabilities to launch an attack against an EU or NATO member state," as the TV channel "Euronews" explained.

The title also fits the "White Paper on Defending Europe – Preparedness for 2030," presented in Brussels on March 19 by EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Kaja Kallas and Defence Commissioner Andrius Kubilius. It classifies Russia as an "existential threat" and emphasizes the need to further develop "strategic military capabilities" such as air and missile defense, artillery, drones, and military AI.

While the Netherlands has massively increased its defense spending in recent years and is now almost reaching the NATO target of two percent of economic output, Italy and Spain are spending less than 1.5 percent. In Northeastern Europe, the picture is quite different: Here, countries are outdoing each other in exceeding NATO targets. For example, Lithuania intends to allocate "between 5 and 6 percent of its gross domestic product annually to defense" starting in 2026, as Lithuanian President Gitanas Nausėda announced in January.

Poland has already reached almost 5 percent this year and is in the process of massively expanding its military in terms of both equipment and personnel. Warsaw is aiming for a troop strength of 300,000 soldiers, making it the European champion alongside France. Fear of its evil neighbor Russia provides the justification for the militarization that has permeated Polish society. Denmark, Sweden, and Finland have also reached the two percent target and intend to further rearm.